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最近看了美國《GMAT閱讀理解題》,覺得回味無窮,深感美國對研究生入學(xué)英語閱讀理解考試的要求除了理解細(xì)節(jié)之外還有如下特點: 要求考生理解全文的主旨; 要求考生理解全文的邏輯框架; 要求考生理解段落與段落之間的邏輯關(guān)系; 要求考生在理解段落細(xì)節(jié)以后,能夠?qū)ζ溥M(jìn)行類比; 要求考生在理解段落細(xì)節(jié)以后,能夠?qū)ζ溥M(jìn)行推理判斷; 要求考生理解作者或某人物對所述事例的觀點、態(tài)度和看法; 要求考生理解段落內(nèi)論點與論據(jù)、細(xì)節(jié)與主題之間的邏輯關(guān)系。 一、GMAT的閱讀文章(一般有450字左右,緊接著7 – 9道測試題) Historians have only recently begun to note the increase in demand for luxury goods and services that took place in eighteenth-century England. McKendrick has explored the Wedgwood firm’s remarkable success in marketing luxury pottery; Plumb has written about the rapid increase of provincial theaters, musical festivals, and children’s toys and books. While the fact of this consumer revolution is hardly in doubt, three key questions remain: Who were the consumers? What were their motives? And what were the effects of the new demand for luxuries? An answer to the first of these has been difficult to obtain. Although it has been possible to infer from the goods and services actually produced what manufacturers and servicing trades thought their customers wanted, only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers will provide a precise picture of who wanted what. We still need to know how large this consumer market was and how far down the social scale the consumer demand for luxury goods penetrated. With regard to this last question, we might note in passing that Thompson, while rightly restoring laboring people to the stage of eighteenth-century English history, has probably exaggerated the opposition of these people to the sudden attacks of capitalist consumerism in general. For example, laboring people in eighteenth-century England readily shifted from home-brewed beer to standardized beer produced by huge, heavily capitalized urban breweries。 To answer the question of why consumers became so eager to buy, some historians have pointed to the ability of manufacturers to advertise in a relatively uncensored press. This, however, hardly seems a sufficient answer. McKendrick favors a Veblen model of conspicuous consumption stimulated by competition for status. The “middling sort” bought goods and services because they wanted to follow fashions set by the rich. Again, we may wonder whether this explanation is sufficient. Do not people enjoy buying things as a form of self-gratification? If so, consumerism could be seen as a product of the rise of new concepts of individualism and materialism, but not necessarily of the frenzy for conspicuous competition。 Finally, what were the consequences of this consumer demand for luxuries? McKendrick claims that it goes a long way toward explaining the coming of the Industrial Revolution. But does it? What, for example, does the production of high-quality pottery and toys have to do with the development of iron manufacture or textile mills? It is perfectly possible to have the psychology and reality of a consumer society without a heavy industrial sector. (414 words) 1. In the first paragraph, the author mentions McKendrick and Plumb most probably to [A] compare their interest in luxury goods and in luxury services。 [B] confirm key questions about 18th-century England consumerism。 [C] contrast their views on luxury consumerism in 18th-century England。 [D] exemplify historians who have proved the growing consumerism in 18th-century England。 2. Which of the following items, if preserved from eighteenth-century England, would provide an example of the kind of documents mentioned in Paragraph 2? [A] A bargain stricken between a manufacturer and a consumer。 [B] A theater ticket stamped with the date and name of a particular play。 [C] A diary that mentions luxury goods and services purchased by its author。 [D] A newspaper advertisement describing luxury goods and services available。 3. In the third paragraph, the author is primarily concerned with [A] contrasting two theses and offering a compromise。 [B] examining two theories and supporting one over the other。 [C] raising several questions but implying that they cannot be answered。 [D] questioning two explanations and proposing a possible alternative to them。 4. The author would most probably agree that the Industrial Revolution [A] resulted from the growing demand for luxury goods and services. [B] was not directly driven by a growing demand for luxury goods and services。 [C] was closely bound up with the demands for luxury goods and services。 [D] exploited the already existing demand for luxury goods and services。 5. The title which best expresses the main idea of the text is [A] A Comment on Historians’ Study on Rising Demand for Luxuries in 18th-century England [B] The Impacts of Consumer Demand for Luxury Goods and Services in the 18th Century [C] The Ever-increasing Demand for Luxuries in Eighteenth-century England [D] Consumers’ Demand for Luxuries in the 18th Century and Their Motives 第1題是邏輯結(jié)構(gòu)題,答案[D],要求考生理解段落內(nèi)論點與論據(jù)之間的邏輯關(guān)系。 第2題是類比推理題,答案[C],要求考生在理解細(xì)節(jié)以后,進(jìn)行邏輯上的類比推理。 第3題是邏輯框架題,答案[D],要求考生理解段落內(nèi)容的邏輯框架。 第4題是作者觀點題,答案[B],要求考生在理解段落內(nèi)容后,能洞察出作者的相關(guān)觀點。 第5題是全文主旨題,答案[A],要求考生理解全文的主題思想。 從以上1、2、3題中我們可以清楚地感悟到命題專家對考生的理解要求 - 不但理解文章中的文字信息,而且要求透過文字信息理解信息之間的邏輯關(guān)系、信息之間的類比關(guān)系并對信息進(jìn)行抽象概括。這三項要求體現(xiàn)出GMAT閱讀理解題的超群之處;也正是在這三方面反映出GMAT試題對考生抽象思維能力的考察。瀏覽近年的GMAT閱讀理解題,我們可以發(fā)現(xiàn),邏輯結(jié)構(gòu)題、類比推理題和邏輯框架題幾乎出現(xiàn)在每篇閱讀理解文章的后面�?梢姡疚暮蟮倪@三道題不是偶然現(xiàn)象,而偶然中的必然。這就值得我們?nèi)ド钏剂恕?/p> 二、考研閱讀理解(2010年考研閱讀理解Part A Text 1) Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage。 It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers. Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies。 We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. "So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism," Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define ‘journalism’ as ‘a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are’." Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England’s foremost classical-music critics, and a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists。 Is there any chance that Cardus’s criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat. (429 words) 1. It is indicated in Paragraphs 1 and 2 that [A] arts criticism has disappeared from big-city newspapers。 [B] English-language newspapers used to carry more arts reviews。 [C] high-quality newspapers retain a large body of readers。 [D] young readers doubt the suitability of criticism on dailies。 2. Newspaper reviews in England before World War II were characterized by [A] free themes。 [B] casual style。 [C] elaborate layout。 [D] radical viewpoints。 3. Which of the following would Shaw and Newman most probably agree on? [A] It is writers’ duty to fulfill journalistic goals。 [B] It is contemptible for writers to be journalists。 [C] Writers are likely to be tempted into journalism。 [D] Not all writers are capable of journalistic writing。 4. What can be learned about Cardus according to the last two paragraphs? [A] His music criticism may not appeal to readers today。 [B] His reputation as a music critic has long been in dispute。 [C] His style caters largely to modern specialists。 [D] His writings fail to follow the amateur tradition。 5. What would be the best title for the text? [A] Newspapers of the Good Old Days [B] The Lost Horizon in Newspapers [C] Mournful Decline of Journalism [D] Prominent Critics in Memory 第1題是細(xì)節(jié)理解題,答案是[B],類似[B]的信息可以從第1段的后半句和第2段的第2句中找到。 第2題還是細(xì)節(jié)理解題,答案是[A],類似[A]的信息可以從第3段第1句的unfocused中找到。 第3題是人物觀點題,答案是[D],類似[D]的信息可以從第3段最后一句的So few authors …中找到。 第4題是細(xì)節(jié)歸納題,答案是[A],可參考第4段最后一句和第5段第2句。 第5題是全文主旨題,答案是[B]。 通過對比上述兩篇文章后的各自試題,我們可以看到它們的相同點和不同點。 相同點:GMAT文章后的第4題與2010考研Text 1后面的第3題均屬人物觀點題;各自的第5題均為全文主旨題。 不同點:GMAT的1、2、3題分別為邏輯結(jié)構(gòu)題、類比推理題和邏輯框架題;而2010考研Text 1后面的1、2、4題均屬細(xì)節(jié)理解題。2010年20道閱讀理解題中只有一道(31題)是邏輯結(jié)構(gòu)題,典型的推理判斷題一道也沒有,細(xì)節(jié)理解題的難度又特別大、缺乏區(qū)分度,以至造成整個閱讀理解Part A試題信度和效度的缺失。由此清楚反映出雙方命題專家所持的不同的命題指導(dǎo)思想:美國GMAT命題專家重視考核考生的抽象思維能力、宏觀把握語篇結(jié)構(gòu)與語段結(jié)構(gòu)的能力和類比推理能力,因此題型中邏輯結(jié)構(gòu)題、類比推理題和邏輯框架題占的比例較大;而2010考研命題專家則側(cè)重考核考生對事實性細(xì)節(jié)的理解能力,所以類比推理題和邏輯框架題一道也沒有。當(dāng)然,僅從一篇文章后的五道題的類型對比很難得出全面的結(jié)論,但從一個側(cè)面卻可以窺視兩者之間在命題思路方面的差異。 我認(rèn)為,選拔研究生是為了培養(yǎng)從事某科技領(lǐng)域創(chuàng)新性研究的專業(yè)人材。所以,GMAT的閱讀理解考題其類型更符合對培養(yǎng)目標(biāo)的總體素質(zhì)需要。而在大學(xué)四級、六級測試中,事實性細(xì)節(jié)理解題占的比重大一點更為合適。 誠然,我國考研閱讀理解題每年的題型比例也不盡相同。如2005年的考研閱讀理解題中邏輯結(jié)構(gòu)題、邏輯框架題、細(xì)節(jié)類比題就有4道,即: 21. In the opening paragraph, the author introduces his topic by [A] posing a contrast。 [B] justifying an assumption。 [C] making a comparison。 [D] explaining a phenomenon. [邏輯框架題] 30. The author associates the issue of global warming with that of smoking because [A] they both suffered from the government’s negligence。 [B] a lesson from the latter is applicable to the former。 [C] the outcome from the latter aggravates the former。 [D] both of them have turned from bad to worse. [邏輯框架題] 32. By referring to the limbic system, the author intends to show [A] its function in our dreams。 [B] the mechanism of REM sleep。 [C] the relation of dreams to emotions。 [D] its difference from the prefrontal cortex. [邏輯結(jié)構(gòu)題] 40. According to the last paragraph, “paper plates” is to “china” as [A] “temporary” is to “permanent”。 [B] “radical” is to “conservative”。 [C] “functional” is to “artistic”。 [D] “humble” is to “noble”. [細(xì)節(jié)類比題] 上述類型的試題符合研究生培養(yǎng)的總體能力目標(biāo),有助于測試考生抽象思維能力、宏觀思維能力和邏輯思維能力,而不僅僅測試考生對某個細(xì)節(jié)的微觀理解。因此很值得我們?nèi)トパ芯亢屯魄谩?/p> 我國研究生英語入學(xué)統(tǒng)一考試從1980年開始已經(jīng)走過三十華誕,經(jīng)歷了幾次大的結(jié)構(gòu)性改革,日臻完善,但要達(dá)到完美,還需不斷努力。我覺得,對于我們工作中的經(jīng)驗和教訓(xùn)應(yīng)該進(jìn)行系統(tǒng)總結(jié)。例如,命題組人員的頻繁調(diào)動在某種程度上影響試題各元素的連貫性,可是命題組人員的頻繁調(diào)動又是命題工作本身的需要。這個矛盾怎么解決?我看有必要把某些影響試題質(zhì)量的元素經(jīng)過深入調(diào)研和討論使之制度化、規(guī)范化,使后來的命題組人員有規(guī)可循,而不是在個人長期的摸索中浪費寶貴的時光。 以上所述僅是我的一孔之見,所以片面性在所難免。我相信,咱們的考研命題專家們會在實踐中不斷積累經(jīng)驗,在有關(guān)方面的配合下,使我們的考研英語命題工作跨上一個新臺階,取得更大的成績。 注:GMAT是 Graduate Management Admission Test (管理類研究生入學(xué)考試)的縮寫形式,是美國教育考試服務(wù)處(EST)負(fù)責(zé)的考試之一。 |
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