SAMPLE 14

　　[歷史學(xué)]

　　Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social condition that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United State have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as “solitary” and “individual theorists” were in reality connected to a movement — utopian socialism — which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated in the first women’s rights conference held at Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United States requires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.

　　The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group’s contribution to early socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern of Saint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents’ energy; hence, by ignoring its feminism, European historians have misunderstood Saint-Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideas can be traced to saint-simonianism European historians’ appreciation of later feminism in France and the United States remained limited.

　　Saint-Simon’s followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation of his project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. The new world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their utopia.

　　Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believe that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life.

　　1. It can be inferred that the author consider those historians who describe early feminists in the United States as “solitary” to be

　　[A] insufficiently familiar with the international origins of nineteenth-century American feminist thought.

　　[B] overly concerned with the regional diversity of feminist ideas in the period before 1848.

　　[C] not focused narrowly enough in their geographical scope.

　　[D] insufficiently aware of the ideological consequences of the Seneca Falls conference.

　　2. The author’s attitude toward European historians who have studied the Saint-Simonians is primarily one of

　　[A] approval of the specific focus of their research.

　　[B] disapproval of their lack of attention to the issue that absorbed most of the Saint-Simonians’ energy after 1832.

　　[C] approval of their general focus on social conditions.

　　[D] disapproval of their lack of attention to links between the Saint-Simonians and their American counterparts.

　　3. The author mentions all of the following as characteristic of the Saint-Simonians EXCEPT

　　[A] The group included many women among its members.

　　[B] The group believed in a world that would be characterized by sexual equality.

　　[C] The group was among the earliest European socialist groups.

　　[D] Most members believed that women and men were inherently similar in ability and character.

　　4. It can be inferred from the text that the Saint-Simonians envisioned a utopian society having which of the following characteristics?

　　[A] It would be worldwide.

　　[B] It would emphasize dogmatic religious principles.

　　[C] It would most influence the United States.

　　[D] It would have armies composed of women rather than of men.

　　5. According to the text, which of the following would be the most accurate description of the society envisioned by most Saint-Simonians?

　　[A] A society in which women were highly regarded for their extensive education.

　　[B] A society in which the two genders played complementary roles and had equal status.

　　[C] A society in which women did not enter public life.

　　[D] A social order in which a body of men and women would rule together on the basis of their spiritual power.

　　[答案與考點(diǎn)解析]

　　1. 【答案】A

　　【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道標(biāo)點(diǎn)符號題。通過本題題干中的“solitary”一詞可將本題的答案信息中心確定在第一段第十行即第一段第四句話，通過仔細(xì)閱讀和理解本句話以及本句前后的兩句話，可以得出本題的正確選項(xiàng)A。其實(shí)美國的女權(quán)主義運(yùn)動(dòng)者并不“孤單”(solitary)，因?yàn)樗齻兊乃枷牒托袆?dòng)是和歐洲大陸的女權(quán)主義者有著千絲萬縷的聯(lián)系，是國際女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的一部分�？忌�在解題時(shí)要善于理解標(biāo)點(diǎn)符號，更要善于對原文的細(xì)節(jié)進(jìn)行推導(dǎo)。

　　2. 【答案】B

　　【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道細(xì)節(jié)推導(dǎo)題。根據(jù)本題題干中的“European historians”可將本題的答案信息來源迅速確定在第二段第四句，通過閱讀本句分號前后的內(nèi)容，可以推導(dǎo)出作者的態(tài)度是否定的，其否定原因是第二段第四句分號前半部分所表達(dá)的內(nèi)容。本題的正確答案應(yīng)該是B�？忌�在解題時(shí)一定要注意原文細(xì)節(jié)的推導(dǎo)，尤其是分句之間存在因果關(guān)系的時(shí)候。

　　3. 【答案】D

　　【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道歸納推導(dǎo)題。但是本題的題干確沒有明確給出本題在原文中的準(zhǔn)確信息來源。這時(shí)考生就會迷失答題思路。請同學(xué)們一定要記�。好慨�(dāng)自己迷失答題思路時(shí)，一定要多想一想全文的中心主旨句和每段的主題句，這會幫助考生尋找到解題的思路。本題的正確答案應(yīng)該是D，因?yàn)檫x項(xiàng)D所表達(dá)的內(nèi)容和本文尾段第一、二句所表達(dá)的內(nèi)容相反。選項(xiàng)A、B、C的內(nèi)容分別在第三段第一句、第三段第二句以及第二段首句涉及。考生在解題時(shí)一定要牢記段落主題句。

　　4. 【答案】A

　　【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道審題定位題。從本題題干中的“envisioned”(設(shè)想，預(yù)想)一詞可將本題的答案信息來源迅速確定在倒數(shù)第二段第一句和第二句，因?yàn)榈箶?shù)第二段第一句含有“project”(計(jì)劃，規(guī)劃)一詞，倒數(shù)第二段第二句含有表示未來的“would”一詞。通過仔細(xì)閱讀倒數(shù)第二段的第一、二句話，發(fā)現(xiàn)這兩句話都包含“globe”或“world”，可見本題的正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)該是A。考生在解題時(shí)一定要善于利用題干中的詞語迅速而準(zhǔn)確地進(jìn)行審題定位。

　　5. 【答案】B

　　【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道反推題。通過本題題干中的“most Saint-Simonians”可將本題的答案信息來源迅速確定在尾段的第一句。根據(jù)尾段第一句進(jìn)行反推即逆向思維，可得出本題的正確答案是B�？忌�在解題時(shí)一定要時(shí)時(shí)牢記反推題型，并且經(jīng)常利用自己的逆向思維能力。

　　[參考譯文]

　　研究美國歷史的學(xué)者，在試圖辨別那些促進(jìn)了女權(quán)主義運(yùn)動(dòng)崛起的環(huán)境時(shí)全面地調(diào)查了美國在十九世紀(jì)中葉影響著婦女地位的經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會狀況。然而這些史學(xué)家沒能充分地分析同一時(shí)期具體的女權(quán)主義思想和活動(dòng)的發(fā)展。除此以外，美國女權(quán)主義在意識形態(tài)上的起源一直被掩蓋著。這是因?yàn)�，即使史學(xué)家考慮到了美國國內(nèi)的女權(quán)主義思潮和運(yùn)動(dòng)的發(fā)展，他們卻沒能認(rèn)識到女權(quán)主義在當(dāng)時(shí)是一場真正的國際運(yùn)動(dòng)，而其中心在歐洲。有的美國女權(quán)主義活動(dòng)家被描述成“孤寂的”和“各自為營的”理論家，而實(shí)際上她們與某個(gè)運(yùn)動(dòng)——烏托邦社會主義運(yùn)動(dòng)聯(lián)系密切，而該項(xiàng)運(yùn)動(dòng)早就在此二十年里在歐洲普及女權(quán)社會主義思想，1848年在紐約塞尼卡瀑布召開的第一屆女權(quán)大會使這一運(yùn)動(dòng)到達(dá)了頂點(diǎn)。因此，為了更加全面地理解十九世紀(jì)美國女權(quán)主義的起源和發(fā)展，就必須把研究的地域范圍拓寬到包括歐洲;而且在對社會狀況進(jìn)行了細(xì)致的研究的基礎(chǔ)上，把研究范圍拓寬到包括女權(quán)主義運(yùn)動(dòng)的意識形態(tài)發(fā)展?fàn)顩r。

　　比較早的和比較盛行的烏托邦社會主義者是圣一西門主義者。然而，圣一西門主義中特定的女權(quán)主義部分，較之該團(tuán)體對早期社會主義的貢獻(xiàn)，沒有得到充分的研究。這一遺憾體現(xiàn)在兩個(gè)方面：到1832年，女權(quán)主義已經(jīng)成為圣一西門學(xué)說的焦點(diǎn)，并完全吸引了其追隨者的全部精力，因此，歐洲史學(xué)家忽略了其女權(quán)主義內(nèi)容，便誤解了圣一西門主義。除此以外，由于許多女權(quán)主義思想可上溯到圣一西門主義;故而歐洲史學(xué)家對后起的法國美國女權(quán)主義的褒揚(yáng)就顯得十分偏狹了。

　　圣一西門的追隨者，他們中有許多人都是女性，將女權(quán)主義思想建立在對圣一西門以精神力量的統(tǒng)治代替野蠻力量，從而改組全球這一方案的解釋上。世界新秩序?qū)⒂纱�表理性反思的男性和代表情感的女性共同統(tǒng)治。這種互補(bǔ)性反映了這樣一個(gè)事實(shí)：雖然圣一西門主義者不否認(rèn)男女之間存在先天差異這一信條，但他們?nèi)詾閮煞N性別在烏托邦中預(yù)先安排下了同等重要的社會及政治地位。

　　只有少數(shù)的圣一西門主義者反對在承認(rèn)性別差異的前提下對男女平等加以的定義。這些少數(shù)派相信，不同性別的個(gè)體生來具有相同的能力和性格，因此他們將男女差異歸因于社會分工和教育。但是，這兩股思潮所預(yù)想的共同結(jié)果是，在新時(shí)代中，女性會涉足到公共生活中來，而男女平等將改善人們的生活方式，從而同時(shí)造福于所有的男人和女人。